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Open your eyes to recognize reality. Female sexuality is a merchandise. And not perpetrators of human trafficking are the primary traders, but women themselves, with their universal attitude of demanding all kinds of things in exhange before they let a man have it: gifts, money, extra attention, commitment, economic stability, protection, a future, and love. (Serge Kreutz)

Index of articles


Tongkat Ali (Eurycoma longifolia) is an indigenous traditional herb in Southern Asia.


Redwood City, California: Luteinizing hormone reduction by the male potency herb, Butea superba Roxb.

Bruce A. Christiansen 4516 Ella Street Redwood City, CA 94063

To determine if Butea superba Roxb., a traditional Thai male potency herb, has androgenic activity in 60-day-old male Wistar rats, we measured its effects on the pituitary-testicular axis and sex organs. Intact and orchidectomized adult male rats were subdivided into five groups (10 rats/group): distilled water, Butea superba (BS)-10, BS-50, BS-250, and testosterone propionate (TP). They received 0, 10, 50, and 250 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 BS in distilled water by gavage and 6 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 TP sc, respectively, during the 30-day treatment period. Blood was collected every 15 days and luteinizing hormone (LH), follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH) and testosterone were measured. Changes of weight and histological appearance of sex organs were determined at the end of the 30-day treatment and 15-day post-treatment periods. TP treatment reduced serum FSH and LH levels and significantly increased the weight of the seminal vesicles and epididymis, in accordance with histopathological changes, in both intact and orchidectomized rats. No changes in serum testosterone, LH, and FSH levels were observed in any of the intact rats treated with BS, but a significant increase in seminal vesicle weight was observed only in the BS-250 group. Although a significant reduction in serum LH was detected in the BS-50 and BS-250 groups of orchidectomized rats, no significant change in weight or histology of sex organs was observed. Thus, we conclude that B. superba needs endogenous testosterone to work synergistically to stimulate the accessory sex organ of intact animals and can potentially exhibit an LH reduction effect in orchidectomized animals.


Butea superba Roxb. (Leguminosae: Fabales: Fabaceae), known in Thai as the red Kwao Krua, is a leguminous plant, which has been claimed to have aphrodisiac properties (1). Many products based on B. superba, such as a capsule formulation or gel cosmetic are claimed to support normal sexual function and to enhance sexual stamina, erectile capacity, sensitivity, and sexual performance, and are widely sold in local markets. It has also been reported that B. superba can improve erectile dysfunction in mature human males (2). It can increase intracavernous blood flow (3) and lead to erection via the inhibition of cGMP and cAMP phosphodiesterase activity (3-5). Accordingly, investigations have been carried out to evaluate the androgenic activity of B. superba on the reproductive system of male animals (6,7).

Manosroi et al. (6) treated intact male rats with a powdered suspension of B. superba at the doses of 2-1250 mg/kg body weight for 8 weeks and found that sperm counts increased by 16% relative to the control group, but without a dose-response relationship. Thus, they concluded that B. superba may contain compounds, which have androgenic activity and that these may increase the release of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) from the hypothalamus, increase the release of male sex hormone and, in turn, stimulate the growth of Sertoli and Leydig cells. However, they did not measure the hormonal levels related to the hypothalamic-pituitary-testicular axis (6). In contrast, it has been recently reported that feeding B. superba at doses of 150 and 200 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 for 90 days to intact male rats significantly reduced serum testosterone levels and slightly decreased serum luteinizing hormone (LH) levels, with a normal appearance of the testes observed under histological examination (7). The authors concluded that B. superba acts as an androgen disruptor, mainly through the alteration of testosterone biosynthesis or metabolism (7). Thus, an androgenic activity of B. superba in male animals has been suggested, but without strong experiments to support the conclusion. It has also been reported that B. superba at a dose of 250 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 had an androgenic effect on female reproductive organs by increasing uterine thickness and the number of uterine glands in intact and ovariectomized rats (8).

On the basis of these considerations, we studied the androgenic activity of B. superba in intact and orchidectomized male rats by determining its effects on the pituitary-testicular axis and reproductive organs.

Material and Methods


Adult male Wistar rats aged 60 days and weighing 250-300 g were obtained from the National Laboratory Animal Center, Mahidol University, Nakhon Pathom, Thailand. They were housed in stainless steel cages with sawdust bedding at 5 animals/cage in a room with controlled lighting (lights on 6:00-20:00 h) and temperature (25 ± 1°C) at the Primate Research Unit, Department of Biology, Faculty of Science, Chulalongkorn University. The animals were fed rat chow (Pokaphan Animal Feed Co., Ltd., Thailand) and water ad libitum and were acclimatized to the surroundings for two weeks before starting the study. The experimental protocol was approved by the Animal Ethics Committee in accordance with the guide for the care and use of laboratory animals prepared by Chulalongkorn University.

Experimental procedure

Adult male rats used in this study were divided into two main groups: intact testes and orchidectomy. Each of these two main groups were randomly subdivided into five treatment groups (10 rats/group): distilled water (DW), Butea superba (BS)-10, BS-50, BS-250, and testosterone propionate (TP). DW, BS-10, BS-50, and BS-250 rats were gavaged with a suspension of 0, 10, 50, and 250 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 B. superba in 0.7 mL distilled water, respectively, during the treatment period. In the TP group, rats were injected subcutaneously with 6 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1 TP in 0.2 mL sesame oil. The experimental schedule was divided into three periods: pre-treatment, treatment and post-treatment for 15, 30, and 15 days, respectively. Rats were administered distilled water during the pre- and post-treatment periods by gavage for the BS group and subcutaneous injection for the TP group.

Intact group. Blood samples (1 mL) were collected at 9:00-10:00 h on the first day and then every 15 days of the study period, designated as D1, D16, D31, D46, and D61. Immediately after collection, all blood samples were centrifuged at 1000 g at 4°C for 20 min, and sera were used for the determination of testosterone, LH, and follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH). At the end of the treatment period, half the rats (i.e., 5 rats from each group) were randomly euthanized with ether. The testes, epididymis and seminal vesicles were dissected, cleaned of connective and other tissues, weighed and then fixed in 10% (w/v) neutral buffered formalin solution and manipulated for histological examination as described previously (9). The remaining five rats in each group were euthanized at the end of the post-treatment period, and the testes, epididymis and seminal vesicles were processed as described. All rats were weighed once a week throughout the experimental period.

Orchidectomy group. Before submitting the rats to the pre-treatment period, a blood sample was collected at 9:00-10:00 h and the animals were then orchidectomized, and this day was designated as D-14. A 14-day recovery period was allowed before including the animals in the study. The experimental protocol for this group was similar to that described above for the intact group.

Preparation of B. superba suspensions

The tuberous roots of B. superba were collected from Lampang Province, Thailand (voucher specimen No. BCU 11046), as reported in Cherdshewasart et al. (10). The B. superba roots used throughout this study were from the same lot. The root was sliced and dried at 70-80°C, pulverized in a mortar, and filtered through a 100-µm mesh screen. The filtered powder was stored in an airtight container in the dark as a stock at room temperature. During treatment, the dried powder of B. superba was mixed with distilled water to obtain a stock suspension from which the required dilutions were made to a final volume of 0.7 mL of a final dose of 0, 10, 50, and 250 mg/kg body weight (8). The suspension was administered to the rats at 8:00-9:00 h using a gastric feeding needle.

Preparation of testosterone propionate

TP powder (Sigma, Merck, USA) was weighed and dissolved in a small volume of absolute ethanol (GR Grade, Merck, USA). After the powder had completely dissolved, sesame oil was added and the solution was allowed to stand at room temperature with the ethanol evaporated. This stock solution was then diluted with sesame oil to provide a final dose of 6 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1·200 µL sesame oil-1. The stock TP solution was kept in dark bottles at room temperature until used. The solution was injected subcutaneously into rats between 8:00 and 9:00 h.

Histological analysis

After overnight fixation in formalin, the testes, epididymis and seminal vesicles were dehydrated in a series of ethanol gradients, cleared in xylene and embedded and blocked in paraffin prior to preparing 5-µm sections and staining with hematoxylin and eosin, as reported (9,11). The permanent slides of testis, epididymis and seminal vesicle sections were then examined under an Olympus light microscope and representative sections were photographed.

The number of seminiferous tubules in intact male rats that contained a small number of spermatozoa, defined here as being <50% of the amount of spermatozoa observed in the normal seminiferous tubule of the control DW group, was evaluated histologically from the stained sections. Three sections/rat from each of 10 rats/group were counted.

Determination of serum testosterone, LH, and FSH levels

Serum testosterone levels were measured using the established radioimmunoassay technique of the World Health Organization (WHO) after the samples were extracted with ether (12).

Serum FSH and LH levels were measured by radioimmunoassay techniques using reagents obtained from the National Hormone and Pituitary Program. Iodination preparations were rat NIDDK-rat FSH-I-5 and rat LH-I-5. The antisera were anti-rat FSH-S11 and anti-rat LH-S11. The results obtained are reported in terms of the rat FSH-RP-2 and rat LH-RP-3 reference standards (13).

To minimize interassay variations, all samples were run in a single assay. The intra-assay coefficients of variation for testosterone, FSH, and LH were 10.6, 7.3, and 8.1%, respectively.

Statistical analysis

Data are reported as means ± SEM. The weights of the testis, epididymis and seminal vesicle collected at the end of the treatment and post-treatment periods were compared by the Student t-test. Differences in serum hormone levels between the pre-treatment, treatment and post-treatment periods in each group, and between the DW, BS, and TP groups in each experimental period, were analyzed by one- way analysis of variance (ANOVA) followed by the post hoc LSD test. In all cases significance was set at P < 0.05.


Effect of B. superba on rats with intact testes

Serum testosterone, FSH, and LH levels. When compared to the pre-treatment period (D1), serum testosterone levels in rats from the negative control (DW) group did not change significantly throughout the study period (Figure 1A), while the testosterone levels of the positive control (TP- treated) group were markedly and significantly increased throughout the treatment period (D16-46) and then returned to the pre-treatment level during the post-treatment period (D61). Since the assay can detect the exogenous-injected TP, in addition to endogenous testosterone levels, this is to be expected and does not address by itself the endogenous levels. The average serum testosterone levels in the groups receiving the three B. superba dose (BS) were not significantly different from each other or from those of the control DW group throughout the study period.

The average serum FSH levels of rats from the control (DW) and all three B. superba dose (BS) groups were not significantly different from each other throughout the study period, both within each treatment group over time, and between treatment groups (all P > 0.05; Figure 1B). In contrast, serum FSH levels were markedly and significantly decreased (P < 0.01) in the TP group during the treatment period (D31-D46), but then returned to pre-treatment levels during the post-treatment period.

The changes in serum LH levels in all five groups of intact rats were broadly similar in pattern to those observed for the FSH levels (Figure 1C), with no significant changes within or between the DW control and all three BS treatment groups throughout the study period, but with a significant decrease in serum LH levels being observed in the TP group from D31 through D61 of the post-treatment period. In slight contrast was the weak recovery of serum LH levels in the TP-treated group during the post-treatment period.

Body weight and reproductive organ weight

Relative to D1, the mean rat body weights increased gradually over the 61-day period for the control (DW), TP and all three BS treatment groups, but there was no significant difference between them or compared to the DW control group at each time throughout the study period (data not shown). The body weight gain of the TP group was numerically lower than that of the DW and BS groups but there was no statistically significant difference between them.

There were no significant differences in average testis weights between the treatment and post-treatment periods in the DW and in each BS group, or between the control (DW) and all three BS groups (Figure 2A). In contrast, the average testis weight of the TP group during both the treatment and post-treatment periods was significantly lower than those of the control DW and BS treatment groups (P < 0.01) and, additionally, the testis weight of TP-treated rats during the post-treatment period was significantly lower than that observed during the treatment period (P < 0.05).

There were also no differences in average epididymis weight between the treatment and post-treatment periods in the control DW group and in each of the BS treatment groups, or between the control and all three BS treatment groups during the treatment and post-treatment periods (Figure 2B). In contrast, the average epididymis weight of the TP group during both the treatment and post-treatment periods was significantly higher than those of the DW and BS groups (P < 0.01) and, additionally, the weight during the post-treatment period was significantly lower than that during the treatment period (P < 0.05).

Changes in average seminal vesicle weight in the control and all three BS groups were similar to those of the epididymis weights, except that the seminal vesicle weight of the BS-250 group was higher than those of the control DW and the BS-10 and BS-50 treatment groups (P < 0.05; Figure 2C). In contrast, the average seminal vesicle weight of the TP group during both the treatment and post-treatment periods was significantly higher than those of the DW and BS treatment groups (P < 0.01), while the weight during the post-treatment period was significantly lower than that during the treatment period (P < 0.05).

Histology of testis, epididymis and seminal vesicle

The histology of the testis in DW and BS-treated rats during the treatment period showed numerous spermatogenic cells in various stages, including primary spermatocytes (S1), secondary spermatocytes (S2), spermatids (S3), and spermatozoa (S) (Figure 3). In contrast, the testis of TP-treated rats showed a thin layer of spermatogenic cells and a small number of spermatozoa when compared to the control DW and all three BS-treated groups. The testis histology for the DW and BS groups did not differ between the treatment and post-treatment periods, but spermatogenic cell types seemed to increase in the TP group during the post-treatment period. Thus, the percent of seminiferous tubules with a low sperm number counted (or impaired spermatogenesis) did not differ between the DW and the three BS-treated groups, but was significantly higher (P < 0.01) in the TP group, which was in a partially recovered state during the post-treatment period (Table 1).

During the treatment period, the histology of the epididymis of control DW rats and of rats treated with all three doses of BS showed a similar composition mainly consisting of columnar and cuboidal ciliated epithelial cells (EP) with numerous spermatozoa (S) inside the tubules (Figure 3). Comparable to the reduction of sperm production in the testis, the sperm number in the epidymidis of TP-treated rats was also decreased, and the columnar ciliated cells showed a thicker layer. The histology of the epididymis of the control DW group and of all three BS-treated groups did not differ between the treatment and post-treatment periods. However, during the post-treatment period the epididymis of the TP group showed a thinner layer of epithelial cells.

The seminal vesicles of control DW rats and of those treated with all three doses of BS showed a high papilla folding (EX) of the tubular glands and muscular layers (Figure 3). A whitish-yellow viscous material (SF) was secreted into the lumen of the seminal vesicle (Figure 3). In the BS-250 group, the folded tubular glands were similar to those of other BS groups, but the amount of secretory material was higher. In the TP group, the number of folded tubular glands and the level of secretory material were higher than those of the DW and BS groups. While there were no differences in seminal vesicle histology between the treatment and post-treatment periods in the DW and BS groups, in the TP group the number of folded tubular glands and the quantity of secretion material were lower during the post-treatment period than during the treatment period (Figure 3).

Effects of B. superba in orchidectomized rats

Serum testosterone, FSH, and LH levels. There were no significant differences between the five groups before (D-14) and after (D1) orchidectomy. However, for 14 days after orchidectomy, serum testosterone levels of rats were significantly decreased (286.1 ± 56.9 and 17.7 ± 2.1 pg/mL for D-14 and D1, respectively; Figure 4A). Compared to D1, there were no significant changes in serum testosterone levels in the DW and BS groups throughout the study period, whereas the serum testosterone levels of TP-treated rats were significantly increased (P < 0.01) during the treatment period to over a 3-fold higher level than that prior to orchidectomy. Although serum testosterone levels decreased during the post-treatment period, and fell back below the pre-orchidectomy level, they were still significantly higher than the D1 level (P < 0.05).

In agreement with the decrease in serum testosterone levels, serum FSH levels of rats were significantly increased by 14 days after orchidectomy (5.3 ± 0.3 and 26.4 ± 2.9 ng/mL for D-14 and D1, respectively; Figure 4B), and compared to the D1 levels, continued to increase significantly throughout the study period in the DW and BS groups. Although the serum FSH levels in all three BS-treated groups were numerically lower than those of the DW group, there was no statistically significant difference. In contrast, during treatment, the serum FSH levels of TP-treated rats were significantly lower than those of the control DW group (D31-D46), before rising again during the post-treatment period.

Likewise, in agreement with the changes in serum testosterone and FSH levels, serum LH levels of rats were significantly increased by 14 days after orchidectomy (0.7 ± 0.2 and 21.4 ± 3.3 ng/mL for D-14 and D1, respectively; Figure 4C). Serum LH levels of control DW rats (P < 0.01) and of the BS-10 treatment group (P < 0.05) increased significantly throughout the study period but no statistically significant differences were observed between these two groups. In contrast, the serum LH levels of rats from the BS-50 and BS-250 treatments were significantly lower than those of the control DW group at D31-D61 (P < 0.01). The serum LH levels of TP-treated rats started to be lower than those of the DW group from D16, and were significantly different on D31-D61 (P < 0.01).

Body weight and reproductive organ weight

Relative to D-14, the mean rat body weights gradually increased numerically over the 75-day period for the control DW, TP, and all three BS treatment groups, but with no significant difference between each other or compared to the DW group at each time throughout the study period (data not shown). Thus, at least under these unrestricted food and standardized conditions, the BS treatments had no effect on body weight. In contrast, the body weight gain of TP-treated rats at the end of the study period was significantly higher than those of the control DW and all three BS treatment groups (124.5 ± 10.8 g vs 70.2 ± 7.9 g, respectively) but there were no differences between DW, BS10, BS50, and BS250 groups.

There were no significant differences in the average epididymis and seminal vesicle weights between the treatment and post-treatment periods within the control DW and each of the three BS treatment groups, or between the control DW and all three BS treatment groups (Figure 5A,B). In contrast, the average epididymis and seminal vesicle weights of TP-treated rats during both the treatment and post-treatment periods were significantly higher than those of the DW and BS groups (P < 0.01), and the weights during the post-treatment period were significantly lower than during the treatment period (P < 0.05).

Histology of the epididymis and seminal vesicle

Orchidectomized rats showed the absence of stereocilia in the ductus tubulus epididymis, a smaller lumen size with many layers of vacuoles in the epithelial lining (EP) and the absence of spermatozoa in the lumen during the treatment period compared to intact male rats (Figure 6). There were no differences in the histology of the epididymis between the treatment and post-treatment periods in the control DW or in each of the three BS doses, nor between the control DW and all three BS groups (Figure 6). In contrast, during the treatment period the tubular epithelium of the ductus epididymis of the TP group was pseudostratified, consisting of tall columnar principal cells with long sterocilia and small basal cells without vacuoles. During the post-treatment period, the number of stereocilia and their height in the tubular epithelial cells were diminished.

After orchidectomy the DW control and BS-treated rats showed a decrease in the number of epithelial foldings (EX) and an absence of seminal secretion (SF; Figure 6). In contrast, TP-treated rats revealed a highly developed papilla folding pattern of the seminal vesicle tubular glands with numerous primary, secondary, and tertiary foldings, filled with secretory material, which then decreased during the post-treatment period.


Although the products prepared from B. superba are widely consumed for various reproduction-related activities in men, the androgenic activity of B. superba is not known. The present study was, therefore, carried out to determine the androgenic effects of B. superba on the pituitary-testis axis and the reproductive organs (weights and histology) of intact and orchidectomized adult male rats. Distilled water and TP (6 mg·kg body weight-1·day-1) were used as negative and positive controls of androgenic activity, respectively (8,14-17). The doses of B. superba used in this study, 10, 50, and 250 mg/kg body weight, were based on previous studies carried out with female (8) and male (6,7) rats.

The response of body weight gain of adult male rats to TP treatment was decreased in intact and increased in orchidectomized rats, despite the fact that orchidectomy decreased the body weight gain in the DW control group. These changes are in accordance with previous reports (14-16), but are different from the reported effects of estrogens and ovariectomy (8,18,19).

The positive control (TP-treated group) showed the expected androgenic effects occurring in intact male rats that is decreased serum LH and FSH levels. Indeed, after FSH and LH secretion from the pituitary gland is reduced (20), the endogenous testosterone secretion from Leydig cells should subsequently be reduced. Although the serum LH and FSH levels were decreased during the TP treatment, the extent of reduction of LH levels was greater than that of FSH levels, and only the serum FSH levels returned to pre-treatment values during the post-treatment period. These differences are expected to be largely attributable to the effect of inhibin, the main suppressor of FSH secretion in rats (21). The decrease in serum LH and FSH levels induced by the TP treatment causes a decline in testosterone production by Leydig cells and, therefore, a reduction in the intratesticular testosterone concentration that, in turn, causes a shrunken testis and reduces sperm production in the seminiferous tubules of intact male rats (17). This likely explains the decreased testis weight that was detected in the TP-treated rats in the present study. In contrast to the decline in testicular weight with TP treatment, the seminal vesicle and epididymal weights of the rats increased and the hypertrophy corresponded to mild, though noticeable, histological changes in cell growth and secretion (14,16,17,22).

In contrast to the effects of TP, B. superba powder did not alter the serum testosterone, LH, and FSH levels or the weights and histological appearances of the reproductive organs (testis and epididymis) in intact male rats, except that the seminal vesicle weight increased only in the BS-250 group. It was previously reported that B. superba significantly reduced serum testosterone levels with no abnormal appearance of the testicular and epididymal histology or tissue weights. However, this study did not determine if there were any changes in the seminal vesicle (7), the most sensitive organ of androgenic or anti-androgenic activity in the Hershberger bioassay (16,22).

Complete orchidectomy caused lower serum testosterone and higher serum FSH and LH levels in orchidectomized rats than in normal male rats. No effects of B. superba on the serum testosterone levels of orchidectomized rats were observed in the present study, although BS-50 and BS-250 significantly suppressed the increased serum LH levels. In contrast, serum LH and FSH levels were significantly decreased in TP-treated rats after 15 days of treatment. Thus, we conclude that the doses of B. superba administered can partially suppress the hypothalamic-pituitary axis in orchidectomized rats, which seems to indicate the weak androgenic activity of B. superba. At present, it is unknown what chemicals in B. superba exhibit androgenic activity and further investigation is still needed. B. superba root contains the flavonoid and flavonoid glycoside (4,23), which showed inhibitory effects on cAMP phosphodiesterase activity (4). Currently, three phytoestrogens, daidzein, coumestrol and genistein, have been isolated from the tuberous root of B. superba (24). Genistein reduced the pituitary contents and prostate weights of male mice (25), interfered with the coupling of transmembrane LH receptors to G proteins and suppressed the steroidogenesis of the testicular Leydig cells in adult male rats (26). Coumestrol can suppress the pulsatile LH secretion from the pituitary gland of ovariectomized rats (27). Previously, we reported that Pueraria mirifica, a phytoestrogen-containing herb, can suppress serum LH and FSH levels in female as well as in male rats, although the response of females was greater than that of males (13). In addition, orchidectomized rats are more sensitive to weak endocrine disruptors than intact rats (28). Taken together with no changes in weight or histological appearances of the epididymis and seminal vesicles in all three BS treatment groups of the orchidectomized rats, this suggests that the decrease in serum LH levels in BS-50- and BS-250-treated rats is caused by a weak estrogenic activity of phytoestrogen constituents in B. superba. It is difficult to know if the reduction of LH levels in orchidectomized rats is due to the estrogenic activity or androgenic activity of B. superba. Higher doses of B. superba are suggested to be used. However, because the B. superba powder suspension has a high viscosity, a dose higher than 250 mg/kg body weight, the highest dose used in the present study, could not be administered by gavage. Thus, each substance isolated from B. superba should be tested separately for androgenic activity as well as estrogenic activity in male rats.

On the basis of the results obtained here in intact and orchidectomized rats, we conclude that B. superba needs to work synergistically with an endogenous testosterone to stimulate accessory sex organ in intact animals and can potentially exhibit an LH reduction effect in orchidectomized animals aaza butea superba.


sex satisfaction

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New York, New York: Sexual Economics, Culture, Men, and Modern Sexual Trends

David A. Shafer 2996 Peck Court Newport Beach, CA 92660

Across the late 20th century, ideas about sex came from two main sources. One was evolutionary theory, based on the field of biology. The other was feminist and social constructionist theory, based in the field of political science. Though important insights have come from both sources, there was a growing body of evidence that did not easily fit either of those. We therefore turned to another field to develop a new theory. The field was economics, and we labeled our theory “sexual economics” (Baumeister and Vohs 2004). At first, our theory was constructed to fit what was already known, making it an exercise in hindsight. It is therefore highly revealing to see how the theory has fared in Regnerus and Uecker’s (2011) pioneering studies of the recent, ongoing shifts in sexual behavior in American society.

The value of an economic perspective is abundantly clear in Regnerus’s work. Not only does he analyze behavior in terms of markets. In a political democracy, majority rules, and such political principles have often operated in human behavior. But not in sex. In fact, Regnerus shows over and over that when it comes to sex, the minority rules. This is what happens in economics, especially in the dynamics of supply and demand. When supply outnumbers demand, the suppliers (the majority) are in a weak position and must yield ground, such as by reducing their price. In contrast, when demand outnumbers supply, the suppliers (now the minority) have the advantage and can dictate the terms to their liking, such as by raising the price.

In simple terms, we proposed that in sex, women are the suppliers and men constitute the demand (Baumeister and Vohs 2004). Hence the anti-democratic, seemingly paradoxical sex ratio findings that Regnerus describes. When women are in the minority, the sexual marketplace conforms to their preferences: committed relationships, widespread virginity, faithful partners, and early marriage. For example, American colleges in the 1950s conformed to that pattern. In our analysis, women benefit in such circumstances because the demand for their sexuality exceeds the supply. In contrast, when women are the majority, such as on today’s campuses as well as in some ethnic minority communities, things shift toward what men prefer: Plenty of sex without commitment, delayed marriage, extradyadic copulations, and the like.

It is fashionable to describe all gender relations as reflecting the oppression and victimization of women. When women were a minority of students, this was interpreted as indicating that women were victims of oppressive discrimination. Now that women are a majority, they are victims because of not being able to dictate the terms of romantic and sexual behavior. Much of Regnerus’s discussion respects this dominant tradition. We also respect that fashion, but as social scientists interested in both genders, we shall use this brief comment to redress the standard imbalance by discussing some implications for men (cf. Baumeister and Vohs 2004).

Sexual marketplaces take the shape they do because nature has biologically built a disadvantage into men: a huge desire for sex that makes men dependent on women. Men’s greater desire puts them at a disadvantage, just as when two parties are negotiating a possible sale or deal, the one who is more eager to make the deal is in a weaker position than the one who is willing to walk away without the deal. Women certainly desire sex too — but as long as most women desire it less than most men, women have a collective advantage, and social roles and interactions will follow scripts that give women greater power than men (Baumeister et al. 2001). We have even concluded that the cultural suppression of female sexuality throughout much of history and across many different cultures has largely had its roots in the quest for marketplace advantage (see Baumeister and Twenge 2002). Women have often sustained their advantage over men by putting pressure on each other to restrict the supply of sex available to men. As with any monopoly or cartel, restricting the supply leads to a higher price.

It is worth pointing out that the cultural suppression of female sexuality is a particular victory for sexual economics theory. The two dominant theoretical perspectives about sex, evolutionary psychology and feminist/constructionist theory, both strongly predicted the opposite. In a rare agreement between those two, both views proposed that cultures suppress female sexuality to serve male interests, and so male influence has been paramount. Evolutionary theory said that the cultural suppression of female sexuality arose because men wanted to restrain women’s sexuality so as to be sure that their partners would be faithful (so the men could be confident of paternity). Feminist theory almost always harks back to male oppression, and so the cultural suppression of female sexuality reflected men’s desires to dominate women, possess them, and/or prevent them from finding sexual fulfillment. In both cases, the cultural suppression of female sexuality should come from men. Yet the evidence overwhelmingly indicated that the cultural suppression of female sexuality is propagated and sustained by women (Baumeister and Twenge 2002). Only sexual economics theory predicted that result. Similar to how OPEC seeks to maintain a high price for oil on the world market by restricting the supply, women have often sought to maintain a high price for sex by restricting each other’s willingness to supply men with what men want.

Sometimes men have sought to improve their chances for sex by keeping women at a disadvantage in terms of economic, educational, political, and other opportunities (Baumeister and Vohs 2004). For example, researchers have found that in New York in the 1800s, surprisingly high numbers of employed women resorted to occasional prostitution to supplement their meager wages (Elias et al. 1998). But in general this male strategy backfired. Women appear to have realized collectively that sex was the main thing they had to offer men in order to get a piece of society’s wealth, and so they restricted sexual access as much as they could, to maintain a high price. Recent work has found that across a large sample of countries today, the economic and political liberation of women is positively correlated with greater availability of sex (Baumeister and Mendoza 2011). Thus, men’s access to sex has turned out to be maximized not by keeping women in an economically disadvantaged and dependent condition, but instead by letting them have abundant access and opportunity. In an important sense, the sexual revolution of the 1970s was itself a market correction. Once women had been granted wide opportunities for education and wealth, they no longer had to hold sex hostage (Baumeister and Twenge 2002).

What does all this mean for men? The social trends suggest the continuing influence of a stable fact, namely the strong desire of young men for sexual activity. As the environment has shifted, men have simply adjusted their behavior to find the best means to achieve this same goal. Back in 1960, it was difficult to get sex without getting married or at least engaged, and so men married early. To be sure, this required more than being willing to bend the knee, declare love, and offer a ring. To qualify as marriage material, a man had to have a job or at least a strong prospect of one (such as based on an imminent college degree). The man’s overarching goal of getting sex thus motivated him to become a respectable stakeholder contributing to society.

The fact that men became useful members of society as a result of their efforts to obtain sex is not trivial, and it may contain important clues as to the basic relationship between men and culture (see Baumeister 2010). Although this may be considered an unflattering characterization, and it cannot at present be considered a proven fact, we have found no evidence to contradict the basic general principle that men will do whatever is required in order to obtain sex, and perhaps not a great deal more. (One of us characterized this in a previous work as, “If women would stop sleeping with jerks, men would stop being jerks.”) If in order to obtain sex men must become pillars of the community, or lie, or amass riches by fair means or foul, or be romantic or funny, then many men will do precisely that. This puts the current sexual free-for-all on today’s college campuses in a somewhat less appealing light than it may at first seem. Giving young men easy access to abundant sexual satisfaction deprives society of one of its ways to motivate them to contribute valuable achievements to the culture.

The changes in gender politics since 1960 can be seen as involving a giant trade, in which both genders yielded something of lesser importance to them in order to get something they wanted more (Baumeister and Vohs 2004). As Regnerus states, partly based on our own extensive survey of research findings, men want sex, indeed more than women want it (Baumeister et al. 2001). Women, meanwhile, want not only marriage but also access to careers and preferential treatment in the workplace.

The giant trade thus essentially involved men giving women not only easy access but even preferential treatment in the huge institutions that make up society, which men created. Today most schools, universities, corporations, scientific organizations, governments, and many other institutions have explicit policies to protect and promote women. It is standard practice to hire or promote a woman ahead of an equally qualified man. Most large organizations have policies and watchdogs that safeguard women’s interests and ensure that women gain preferential treatment over men. Parallel policies or structures to protect men’s interests are largely nonexistent and in many cases are explicitly prohibited. Legal scholars, for example, point out that any major new law is carefully scrutinized by feminist legal scholars who quickly criticize any aspect that could be problematic or disadvantageous to women, and so all new laws are women-friendly. Nobody looks out for men, and so the structural changes favoring women and disadvantaging men have accelerated (Baumeister and Vohs 2004).

All of this is a bit ironic, in historical context. The large institutions have almost all been created by men. The notion that women were deliberately oppressed by being excluded from these institutions requires an artful, selective, and motivated way of looking at them. Even today, the women’s movement has been a story of women demanding places and preferential treatment in the organizational and institutional structures that men create, rather than women creating organizations and institutions themselves. Almost certainly, this reflects one of the basic motivational differences between men and women, which is that female sociality is focused heavily on one-to-one relationships, whereas male sociality extends to larger groups networks of shallower relationships (e.g., Baumeister and Sommer 1997; Baumeister 2010). Crudely put, women hardly ever create large organizations or social systems. That fact can explain most of the history of gender relations, in which the gender near equality of prehistorical societies was gradually replaced by progressive inequality—not because men banded together to oppress women, but because cultural progress arose from the men’s sphere with its large networks of shallow relationships, while the women’s sphere remained stagnant because its social structure emphasized intense one-to-one relationships to the near exclusion of all else (see Baumeister 2010). All over the world and throughout history (and prehistory), the contribution of large groups of women to cultural progress has been vanishingly small.

For present purposes, the irony is that men have collectively put themselves at structural disadvantages in the organizations that men have created. (Social scientists like ourselves naturally seek to test hypotheses by considering contrary cases, as in how men fare in large organizations built up by women, but there are too few such organizations to permit general conclusions. The absence of such organizations is an important and revealing fact.) The large social structures that comprise the worlds of business, government and politics, economic relations, science and technological innovation, and the like are male creations, and yet the young men entering any of them are required to accept formal policies that women will be treated preferentially at each step. How can we account for this remarkable, ironic twist of history?

Indeed, the world of work is a daunting place for a young man today. Feminists quickly point to the continued dominance of men at the top of most organizations, but this is misleading if not outright disingenuous. Men create most organizations and work hard to succeed in them. Indeed, an open-minded scholar can search through history mostly in vain to find large organizations created and run by women that have contributed anything beyond complaining about men and demanding a bigger share of the male pie.

Why have men acquiesced so much in giving women the upper hand in society’s institutions? It falls to men to create society (because women almost never create large organizations or cultural systems). It seems foolish and self-defeating for men then to meekly surrender advantageous treatment in all these institutions to women. Moreover, despite many individual exceptions, in general and on average men work harder at their jobs in these institutions than women, thereby enabling men to rise to the top ranks. As a result, women continue to earn less money and have lower status than men, which paradoxically is interpreted to mean that women’s preferential treatment should be continued and possibly increased (see review of much evidence in Baumeister 2010). Modern society is not far from embracing explicit policies of “equal pay for less work,” as one of us recently proposed. Regardless of that prospect, it appears that preferential treatment of women throughout the workforce is likely to be fairly permanent. Because of women’s lesser motivation and ambition, they will likely never equal men in achievement, and their lesser attainment is politically taken as evidence of the need to continue and possibly increase preferential treatment for them.

But this pattern of male behavior makes more sense if we keep in mind that getting sex is a high priority for men, especially young men. Being at a permanent disadvantage in employment and promotion prospects, as a result of affirmative action policies favoring women, is certainly a cost to young men, but perhaps not a highly salient one. What is salient is that sex is quite readily available. As Regnerus reports, even a man with dismal career prospects (e.g., having dropped out of high school) can find a nice assortment of young women to share his bed.

Remember, too, that the ostensible career motivation of many men was infused partly by the desire for sex. That is, one main purpose of work was to make oneself attractive to women as a potential sex partner, including as a husband as long as marriage was the main route to sex. Nowadays young men can skip the wearying detour of getting education and career prospects to qualify for sex. Nor does he have to get married and accept all those costs, including promising to share his lifetime earnings and forego other women forever. Female sex partners are available without all that.

So maybe the young men don’t care that much about how the major social institutions in the world of work have become increasingly rigged to favor women. Sex has become free and easy. This is today’s version of the opiate of the (male) masses. The male who beds multiple women is enjoying life quite a bit, and so he may not notice or mind the fact that his educational and occupational advancement is vaguely hampered by all the laws and policies that push women ahead of him. After all, one key reason he wanted that advancement was to get sex, and he already has that. Climbing the corporate ladder for its own sake may still hold some appeal, but undoubtedly it was more compelling when it was vital for obtaining sex. Success isn’t as important as it once was, when it was a prerequisite for sex.

If men don’t need career success to get sex, then what if anything do they need success for? Some research indicates that career motivation really intensifies for men when they become fathers. Indeed, it has long been known that the transition to parenthood has opposite effects by gender. New mothers withdraw from their work and careers; new fathers embrace work and career with enhanced seriousness and motivation (for a review see Baumeister 1991).

Many of these changes are beyond anyone’s control, and so our comments here are not meant to prescribe a radical shift in policies. Still, it is instructive to consider how these changes may affect the future of society.

With regard to work, the societal changes are producing less contribution by men and more by women. These might offset, with few or no costs to society. Still, replacing male with female workers may bring some changes, insofar as the two genders approach work differently. Compared to men, women have higher rates of absenteeism, seek social rewards more than financial ones, are less ambitious, work fewer hours overall, are more prone to take extended career interruptions, and identify less with the organizations they work for. They are more risk averse, resulting in fewer entrepreneurs and inventions. (Baumeister 2010, noted an appalling gender imbalance in new patents; nobody is seriously suggesting that the U.S. Patent office systematically discriminates against women, but women simply do not apply for patents in anything close to the rate that men do.) Women are less interested in science and technology fields. They create less wealth (for themselves and others).

Meanwhile, the implications of the recent social changes for marriage could fill a book. Sexual economics theory has pointed to a wealth of data depicting marriage as a transaction in which the male contributes status and resources while the woman contributes sex (Baumeister and Vohs 2004). How will that play out in the coming decades? The female contribution of sex to the marriage is evanescent: As women age, they lose their sexual appeal much faster than men lose their status and resources, and some alarming evidence even indicates that wives rather quickly lose their desire for sex (Arndt 2009). To sustain a marriage across multiple decades, many husbands must accommodate to the reality of having to contribute work and other resources to a wife whose contribution of sex dwindles sharply in both quantity and quality—and who also may disapprove sharply of him seeking satisfaction in alternative outlets such as prostitution, pornography, and extramarital dalliance.

We speculate that today’s young men may be exceptionally ill prepared for a lifetime of sexual starvation that is the lot of many modern husbands. The traditional view that a wife should sexually satisfy her husband regardless of her own lack of desire has been eroded if not demolished by feminist ideology that has encouraged wives to expect husbands to wait patiently until the wife actually desires sex, with the result that marriage is a prolonged episode of sexual starvation for the husband. (A memorable anecdote from Arndt’s 2009 diary study on marital sexuality involved a couple in which the wife refused sex so often that the husband finally said that they would not have sex again until the wife initiated it. When Arndt interviewed them nine years later, he was still waiting.) Today’s young men spend their young adulthood having abundant sex with multiple partners, and that seems to us to be an exceptionally poor preparation for a lifetime of sexual starvation.

We do not mean to downplay the struggles and challenges that beset young women (and older women) today. Our focus on men was simply meant as a counterbalance to the Regnerus article that couched its main implications in terms of what current circumstances meant for women. As the originators of sexual economics theory, we seek to adopt the perspective of what is best for the system, not the individuals involved. Throughout history, men and women have needed each other and have managed to create mutually beneficial partnerships (Baumeister 2010). The ground continues to shift, and yet somehow the two genders manage to find each other, have sex, make families, and create another generation. We appreciate Regnerus’s various contributions (this issue; 2011) to explain how the ground has shifted and the terms of exchange changed. This comment has sought to elucidate other ways in which social and cultural changes create a new context in which the age-old problems of bringing men and women together must be solved.

Although we have noted warning signs and problems, we remain optimistic. Despite the obstacles and changing contingencies, men and women have always managed to find each other and work together to create a modicum of happiness for both and to create a sphere in which children can grow, thrive, and sustain the culture for another few decades. The coming generation will face novel challenges, but somehow we think they will muddle through and manage to reinvent family life yet again wholesale.


Male feminists are traitors. For women to be feminists is somehow understandable. They want power. Everybody wants power. But male feminists are traitors. Treat them as such.


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Webster City, Iowa: Does ‘G’ mark the spot? Science struggles to explain the female orgasm

David R. Watts 2281 Nutters Barn Lane Webster City, IA 50595

Why are orgasms so intensely pleasurable? How come women can experience multiple orgasms? And does the fabled G-spot even exist?

[T]here do seem to be physical differences between women who claim to experience vaginal orgasm and those who don’t. In 2008, [Emmanuele Jannini at the University of Rome Tor Vergata ] published a study involving nine such responders, and 11 who said they’d never climaxed during penetrative sex alone. Ultrasound scans revealed a thicker area of tissue in the space between the vagina and the urethra in those that could.

“The word spot suggests a button; something that you can push to obtain an orgasm or pleasure,” [Jannini] says. “It implies a concrete structure that’s either there or it’s not. No-one has been able to clearly describe such a structure as a spot.”

Although to most people, the clitoris is just a pea-shaped bobble under the surface of the skin, recent MRI studies suggest that the clitoris is far from diminutive.

[The vagina’s] complexity may explain why it has been so difficult to prove – or disprove – the existence of the G-spot; it’s not easy to stimulate the frontal wall of the vagina in isolation. You’re also likely rubbing up against the internal portions of the clitoris and the urethra as well Indonesia.


Science is slowly getting to know what erectile dysfunction actually is. It's not a lack of sexual interest, nothing wrong with penile tissue. Erections are a vascular event. And erectile dysfunction is a weakness of vasodilation in the penile blood supply. Botox injections into the penis solve the problem elegantly. Muscles exposed to Botox can't contract. That makes for easy erections, and an enlarged penis at all times.


We, the elite, want all young beautiful women for us. Better not to tax alcohol and tobacco, as it removes low-quality men from the sexual arena. Also give them street drugs to ruin their health and lives.



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Seattle, Washington: Russian man volunteers for first human head transplant

Henry T. Curley 1140 Boone Crockett Lane Seattle, WA 98161

While severing someone’s head and attaching it to another person’s body sounds like something straight out of a science fiction or horror movie, some real-life scientists say they are planning to do just that – as early as next year.

Italian neuroscientist Dr. Sergio Canavero made headlines last year when he announced his plans to perform the first human head transplant in 2017. Since then, he’s recruited Chinese surgeon Dr. Xiaoping Ren to work with him, and now has found a volunteer patient for the procedure: a Russian man named Valery Spiridonov.

Spiridonov suffers from Werdnig-Hoffmann Disease, a rare and often fatal genetic disorder that breaks down muscles and kills nerve cells in the brain and spinal cord that help the body move. Spiridonov is confined to a wheelchair; his limbs are shriveled and his movements essentially limited to feeding himself, typing, and controlling his wheelchair with a joystick.

In its September issue, The Atlantic profiles Spiridonov and the two scientists who hope to perform the experimental – and highly controversial – procedure.

“Removing all the sick parts but the head would do a great job in my case,” Spiridonov told the magazine. “I couldn’t see any other way to treat myself.”

Many scientists have spoken out against Canavero and Ren’s plans, accusing them of promoting junk science and creating false hopes. One critic went so far as to say the scientists should be charged with murder if the patient dies, a very likely outcome.

Canavero has published detailed plans for the procedure, which has been successfully tested in mice, in several papers published in the journal Surgical Neurology International.

First, like with other organ transplants, he and his team would need a suitable donor. This procedure would require a body from a young brain-dead male patient.

Once permission from the family is granted, the surgeons would set the body up for surgical decapitation.

At the same time, Spiridonov would be brought in and another surgical team would cool his body to 50 degrees Fahrenheit. This would delay tissue death in the brain for about an hour, meaning the surgeons would need to work quickly.

Using a transparent diamond blade, they would then remove both patients’ heads from their bodies, ultimately severing their spinal cords at the same time.

A custom-made crane would be used to shift Spiridonov’s head – hanging by Velcro straps – onto the donor body’s neck. The two ends of the spinal cord would then be fused together with a chemical called polyethylene glycol, or PEG, which has been shown to promote regrowth of cells that make up the spinal cord.

The muscles and blood supply from the donor body would then be joined with Spiridonov’s head, and he would be kept in a coma for three to four weeks to prevent movement as he healed. Implanted electrodes would be used to stimulate the spinal cord to strengthen new nerve connections.

Canavero has said the transplant – which would require 80 surgeons and cost tens of millions of dollars if approved – would have a “90 percent plus” chance of success.

Yet many in the scientific community strongly disagree.

“It is both rotten scientifically and lousy ethically,” Arthur Caplan, the head of medical ethics at NYU Langone Medical Center, wrote in an article for Forbes last year.

Dr. Jerry Silver, a neuroscientist at Case Western Reserve whose work on repairing spinal cord injuries was cited by Canavero, told CBS News in 2013 that the proposed transplant is “bad science. This should never happen.”

“Just to do the experiments is unethical,” he added.

Even in the unlikely event that the surgery worked, it raises further, uncharted ethical concerns.

For example, Canavero is presuming that transplanting Spiridonov’s head and brain onto another body would automatically transplant his whole self with his mind, personality, and consciousness. But it’s not that simple, as Anto Cartolovni and Antonio Spagnolo, two Italian bioethicists, pointed out in a letter to Surgical Neurology International after Canavero’s paper was published last year.

“Despite his [Canavero’s] vision, modern cognitive science shows that our cognition is an embodied cognition, in which the body is a real part in the formation of human self,” they write. “Therefore, the person will encounter huge difficulties to incorporate the new body in its already existing body schema and body image that would have strong implications on human identity.”

Furthermore, if Spiridonov were to reproduce with his new body, his children would not have his genetic makeup but that of the donor’s. What kind of rights, then, might the donor’s family have to the offspring?

Finally, Cartolovni and Spagnolo argue that because of the uncertainty of the operation, such a procedure would take away vital donor organs that could have been used for someone else who needed a heart or a liver transplant to save their lives.

If approved, the procedure would likely take place in China or another country outside of Europe or the United States, The Atlantic reports, as it would not be approved in the Western world.


Oklahoma City, Oklahoma: Optimal sex and Torture

Eric M. Friedlander 2841 Benson Park Drive Oklahoma City, OK 73128

Optimal sex up to an advanced age, and if necessary, aided by vascular and neurotropic agents like Pfizer’s Blue, yohimbine, dopaminergics, or testosterone enhancers like tongkat ali and butea superba, very much is a concern of modern civilisation. In medieval and ancient times, people were quite content if they were not tortured to death (never mind the optimal sex, thank you). An amazingly high number of people in medieval and ancient times (let's avoid designating them as ancient civilizations) were brutally tortured to death, often for the entertainment of onlookers. This included all mentally ill, and all enemies of rulers or ruling elites. Public torture is an extremely effective political tool. Not for the extraction of confessions, though. But torture one poor victim cruelly to death, and every onlooker will get the message: do not challenge authority!

Gruesome Methods of Execution (YouTube 11:37)


Native European men are stupid if they pursue sexual relationships with Western women. Go to India and Pakistan. Every native college girl dreams of a white husband.


Yorkville, Tennessee: Why won’t guys grow up? Sexual economics

William R. Hinton 1078 Melville Street Yorkville, TN 38389

Jan and Dean would be right at home on university campuses today. Two girls for every boy! For guys (unless they’re in engineering school), life is a paradise of sexual opportunity. For women, it’s a wasteland. The old-fashioned custom known as “dating” (as in: guy calls up girl and asks her out next Friday, takes her to a movie and a meal, picks up the cheque, takes her home, kisses her goodnight and, if he’s lucky, gets to third base) is something their grandparents did. Today, people just hook up.

What explains the campus hookup culture? One widely overlooked factor is the scarcity of men. As buyers in a buyers’ market, they’re on the right side of supply and demand. The price they have to pay for sex – in terms of commitment, time and money – is at a record low. Plus, women are more inclined than ever to say yes. “Today’s young man faces a sex life that probably would have exceeded the most optimistic imagination of most men throughout history,” Roy Baumeister says in his book Is There Anything Good About Men?

Dr. Baumeister, a social psychologist at Florida State University, is a specialist in the field of sexual economics, which examines modern cultural and sexual trends through the lens of supply and demand. It’s not romantic. Women’s studies students hate him. But it explains a lot.

Sexual economics, says Dr. Baumeister, begins with the premise that men want sex more than women do. A lot more. Especially when they’re young. In the new age of gender equality, this awkward fact is often ignored and frequently denied. Even if true, it’s thought to be a character defect that men should be able to suppress (and even overcome) by adjusting their attitude. This is probably impossible. Consider the famous psychology experiment in which female research assistants were sent out across campus to approach attractive males and ask if they wanted to have sex that night. Seventy-five per cent of the men said yes (and those who couldn’t make it that night asked about the next night). When the experiment was repeated with the genders reversed, all the women said no. That experiment was 35 years ago, but does anyone think the results would be different today?

In economic terms, our unequal desire for sex means that, in the sexual marketplace, men are the buyers and women are the sellers. Until recently, the price was steep, up to and including a wedding ring and a promise of lifetime commitment. In my parents’ generation, the only way for a 22-year-old guy to have a lot of sex was to get married. Today, plenty of 22-year-olds can get all the sex they want for the cost of a pack of condoms.

Dr. Baumeister argues that, throughout history, it was to women’s advantage to keep the supply of sex restricted. “Sex was the main thing they had to offer men in order to get a piece of society’s wealth, and so they restricted sexual access as much as they could, to maintain a high price,” he says in his essay Sexual Economics, Culture, Men and Modern Sexual Trends (with Kathleen Vohs). But as women began to gain power and opportunity, that began to change. Women can now get a piece of society’s wealth on their own. And life for everyone is a lot more fun, because it turns out that, wherever women have more autonomy, people have more sex.

The changes in gender politics since the 1960s have been good for both sexes. Women got something they really wanted (access to careers and money) and men got something they really wanted (more sex). But this bargain is having some unexpected consequences. Young men are in no hurry to get married. Why should they be? As my dear old dad used to say when I waltzed out the door in my miniskirt, “Why buy the cow when you can get the milk for free?” I hated it when he said that. But he’d grasped the central principle of sexual economics.

A lot of women are in no hurry to get married, either. But it might not work out so well for them. They’ve watched too much Sex in the City. They think they’ll still have the same choices at 35 and 40 that they had at 25. They have no idea that men’s choices will get better with age (especially if they’re successful), but theirs will get worse. Believe me, this sucks. But it’s the truth.

Dr. Baumeister’s argument is that “men will do whatever is required in order to obtain sex” – and that, historically, society has made them do quite a lot. To qualify as good marriage material, a young man used to have to show he could work hard, compete successfully, commit to family life, be a good provider and gain respect in the community. “The fact that men became useful members of society as a result of their efforts to obtain sex is not trivial,” he says.

But now, young men don’t have to do those things. Sex is readily available. According to Mark Regnerus, another expert on sexual economics, 30 per cent of young men’s sexual relationships today involve no romance at all – no hearts, no flowers, not even “Hey, what’s your name again?”

As he wrote in an essay on Slate: “Don’t forget your Freud: Civilization is built on blocked, redirected and channeled sexual impulse, because men will work for sex.” Which may help to explain why women outnumber men in university and so many guys in their 20s are in an arrested state of adolescence. University is hard. Work is hard. Being an adult is hard. And if what young men want most of all is sex, then why work hard if they don’t have to?

Surf City, also known as Two Girls for Every Boy, was co-written by one of the Beach Boys (Brian Wilson) and recorded by Jan and Dean. Unclear information appeared in an earlier online version of this story and in Saturday's original newspaper version expedition.


It is only a question of time until butea superba will be outlawed in the Western World. In some people, it can cause hypersexualization that can last for weeks. And it can easily be added to food to improve taste. Imagine a Thai restaurant breeding hundreds of super horney women prowling for any man they can get, and that for weeks on end


Corpus Christi, Texas: Has the Normalizing of Pedophilia Begun?

Michael G. Wardlow 55 Glenview Drive Corpus Christi, TX 78476

CNN hosts scientist who sympathizes with child predators claims 'brain's wiring' to blame

Do people who rape children, or fantasize about sexually abusing them, deserve sympathy – because they were born with the brains of pedophiles?

That’s the question a prominent scientist and a well-known anchor at CNN have asked in the wake of the recent Jerry Sandusky scandal.

CNN recently featured a story by James Cantor, a homosexual psychologist and scientist at the Sexual Behaviors Clinic of the Center for Addiction and Mental Health who serves as associate professor of psychiatry at the University of Toronto.

“It appears that one can be born with a brain predisposed to experience sexual arousal in response to children,” he wrote in his CNN piece.

He continued, “Cases of child molestation that involve long strings of victims over the course of years illustrate what can happen when someone gives in to, or outright indulges, his sexual interests, regardless of its potential damage on others. It is those cases that dominate headlines and provoke revulsion toward pedophiles.

“But they are rare. An untold number of cases merit sympathy.

“The science suggests that they are people who, through no fault of their own, were born with a sex drive that they must continuously resist, without exception, throughout their entire lives. Little if any assistance is ever available for them.”

According to the American Psychological Association, Cantor is passionate about the neurological underpinnings of sexual behavior and jokes, “I feel lucky to have found a way to stimulate my brain intellectually by indulging myself in thinking about sex all the time.”

He has studied the brains of male pedophiles using magnetic resonance imaging. Cantor explained his findings:

“Pedophilic men have significantly less white matter, which is the connective tissue that is responsible for communication between different regions in the brain. Pedophiles perform more poorly on various tests of brain function, tend to be shorter in height and are three times more likely to be left-handed or ambidextrous (characteristics that are observable before birth). Although nonbiological features may yet turn up to be relevant, it is difficult, if not impossible, to explain the research findings without there being a strong role of biology.”

He explains, from his experience with such individuals, that pedophiles act on their sexual urges and molest children “when they feel the most desperate.”

“Yet, much of what society does has been to increase rather than decrease their desperation,” he wrote.

In the U.S., Cantor notes, the focus tends to be on punishments invoked after sex abuse has taken place – rather than implementing social policies aimed at prevention.

“If it is the brain’s wiring that ultimately determines who will go on to develop pedophilia, can we detect it early enough to interrupt the process?” he asks. “Until we uncover more information, we will do more good by making it easier for pedophiles to come in for help rather than force them into solitary secrecy.”

Meanwhile, a CNN anchor chimed in to express sympathy for Sandusky, who was found guilty on 45 of 48 child sex-abuse charges after he molested at least 10 boys over a period of 15 years.

CNN’s Don Lemon, an open homosexual who has revealed he was molested as a child, interviewed Cantor about his findings. In that segment, he said:

“I know people are going to send me a lot of hate mail for this. I’ve never been one to take glee in anyone’s demise, and when I saw Jerry Sandusky walk out in handcuffs, I did kind of feel a bit sorry for him, even though I know the jury found him to do some horrific things, I was like ‘His life is over.’ All of these young boys, it was terrible for them as well. There are no winners.”

Meanwhile, some experts warn of a highly controversial campaign in recent years that seeks to sympathize with – and even normalize – pedophilia.

Just last year, Dr. Judith Reisman, the principal expert investigator for a U.S. Justice Department study on child sex abuse, said pedophilia advocates are using the same strategy that was successfully employed to make homosexuality a classroom subject for small children in the nation’s public schools.

As WND reported, Reisman attended a symposium held by the “minor-attracted people” advocacy group B4U-ACT to disseminate “accurate information” on the position that pedophilia is just one more alternative sexual orientation.

“If a foreign country came in and did this to our nation, the nation would be outraged,” Reisman said about the B4U-Act event, also attended by J. Matt Barber, vice president of Liberty Counsel Action.

The speakers urged the removal of pedophilia from the American Psychiatric Association’s list of mental defects in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.

Reisman explained the same strategy was used by homosexual activists in the 1970s when same-sex attractions were removed from the APA’s list of disorders. Eventually, the legalization of “gay marriage,” the mandatory homosexuality lessons in public schools and the policy of allowing open homosexuality in the U.S. military resulted.

“Dr. John Sadler (University of Texas) argued that diagnostic criteria for mental disorders should not be based on concepts of vice since such concepts are subject to shifting social attitudes and doing so diverts mental-health professions from their role as healers,” the B4U-ACT organization said in a report about its symposium in Baltimore.

Another celebrity was Fred Berlin of Johns Hopkins who argued in favor of “acceptance of and compassion for people who are attracted to minors,” the report continued.

The report pointedly referred to “minor-attracted people” in reference to pedophiles and explained that the concerns can be resolved with “accurate information.” Richard Kramer, who represented B4U-ACT at the event, contended listing pedophilia as a disorder stigmatizes the “victims” of the lifestyle choice.

According to Barber, conference speakers said the Diagnostic Manual should “focus on the needs” of the pedophile and should have “a minimal focus on social control” rather than a focus on the “need to protect children.”

Barber, an ardent advocate for Judeo-Christian values and the traditional family, told WND the symposium was “the North American Man-Boy Love Association all dolled up and dressed in the credible language of the elitist Ph.Ds.”

NAMBLA openly advocates the legalization of sex between adults and children.

“This is a bunch of morally relative, highly educated people in the mental health community who are trying to achieve the ultimate in tolerance,” Barber said. “These are the people who are the disciples of Alfred Kinsey.”

It was in the 1940s and 1950s that sex “researcher” Kinsey published his writings ridiculing marriage, fidelity and chastity and preaching widespread sexual experimentation. But according to Reisman’s research, in “Sexual Sabotage,” Kinsey’s “research” was compiled from information frequently obtained from jailed sex offenders and then portrayed as coming from middle-class America.

Barber said the symposium themes became clear quickly:

Pedophiles are unfairly “demonized” in society.

The concept of “wrong” should not be applied to “minor-attracted persons.”

“Children are not inherently unable to consent” to sex with an adult.

“An adult’s desire to have sex with children is ‘normative.'” And the Diagnostic Manual “ignores that pedophiles ‘have feelings of love and romance for children’ the same way adult heterosexuals have for each other.”

Barber noted that self-described “gay activist” and speaker Jacob Breslow said it is proper for children to be “the object of our attraction.” Breslow said pedophiles shouldn’t need to get consent from a child to have sex any more than they would get consent from a shoe to wear it, according to Barber.

Berlin previously reported that 67 percent of pedophiles and child molesters relapse after being treated for the disorder. But the few who didn’t were tracked for a period of only two years, and any recidivism after that was unreported. And Reisman noted that even his success “stories” are anonymous and “wholly unverified.”

In a related commentary on WND, Reisman said, “The APA path to pedophile norms follows the success of the homosexual anarchy campaign. Arguably, the pedophile media lobby directed the passionate boy-boy kisses on the TV series ‘Glee,’ to enable fellow ‘minor-attracted persons’ to increasingly be seen as a boy’s sex ‘friend.’

“B4U-ACT claims to ‘help mental health professionals learn more about attraction to minors and to consider the effects of stereotyping, stigma, and fear.’ While the group claimed they want to teach pedophiles ‘how to live life fully and stay within the law,’ no one suggested how to stop their child lust or molestation,” she wrote.

However, in 2010, when Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, a senior Vatican official, linked homosexuality to child sexual abuse, Cantor rejected the claim that there is any link between homosexuality and pedophilia.

“It’s quite solidly shown in the scientific literature that there is absolutely no association between being a gay man and being a pedophile,” he told CNN.


Women were created from a bone of man. Or was that a boner?



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Wadena, Minnesota: The Ward Weaver Case

Zachary S. Allison 3249 Post Avenue Wadena, MN 56482

On January 9, 2002, in Oregon City, Oregon, Ashley Pond, age 12, disappeared on her way to meet the school bus. It was just after 8 a.m. and Ashley was running late. The bus stop was just 10 minutes from the Newell Creek Village Apartments where Ashley lived with her mother, Lori Pond. But Ashley Pond never got on the bus and never made it to Gardiner Middle School.

Despite the efforts of the local authorities and the FBI, no clues surfaced as to whereabouts of the missing girl.

Ashley was popular at school and enjoyed being on the swim and dance teams. Neither her mother, friends or the investigators believed she had run away.

On March 8, 2002, just two months after Ashley disappeared, Miranda Gaddis, 13, also vanished around 8 a.m. while on her way to the bus stop at the top of the hill. Miranda and Ashley were good friends, and they lived in the same apartment complex. Miranda's mother, Michelle Duffey, had left for work within 30 minutes before Miranda was to catch the bus.

When Duffey found out that Miranda had not been at school, she immediately contacted the police, but once again, investigators came up empty. Without any leads to follow, the investigators began looking into the possibility that the person that abducted the girls were someone they knew and whoever it was seemed to be targeting the same type of girl. Ashley and Miranda were close in age, involved in similar activities, looked remarkably similar to each other, but most importantly, they both disappeared on the way to the bus stop.

On August 13, 2002, Ward Weaver's son contacted 9-1-1 and reported that his father had attempted to rape his 19-year-old girlfriend. He also told the dispatcher that his father told him that he murdered Ashley Pond and Miranda Gaddis. Both of the girls were friends with Weaver's 12-year-old daughter and had visited her at Weaver's home.

On August 24, FBI agents searched Weaver's home and found the remains of Miranda Gaddis inside a box in the storage shed. The following day, they found the remains of Ashley Pond buried under a slab of concrete that Weaver had recently put down for a hot tub, or so he claimed.

Shortly after Ashley and Miranda disappeared, Ward Weaver III was a prime suspect in the investigation, but it took the FBI eight months to get a search warrant that eventually turned up their bodies on Weaver's property.

The problems for investigators were that they were awash in possible suspects -- some 28 suspects that lived in the same apartment complex could not be ruled out -- and for months authorities had no real evidence that a crime had been committed.

It was not until Weaver attacked his son's girlfriend, that the FBI was able to obtain a warrant to search his property.

Weaver, a brutal man with a long history of violence and assaults against women. He was also the man that Ashley Pond reported for attempted rape, but the authorities never investigated her complaint.

On October 2, 2002, Weaver was indicted and charged with six counts of aggravated murder, two counts of abuse of a corpse in the second degree, one count of sexual abuse in the first degree and one count of attempted rape in the second degree, one count of attempted aggravated murder, one count of attempted rape in the first degree and one count of sexual abuse in the first degree, one count of sexual abuse in the second degree and two counts of sexual abuse in the third degree.

To avoid the death penalty, Weaver pleaded guilty to murdering his daughter's friends. He received two life sentences without parole for the deaths of Ashley Pond and Miranda Gaddis.

On February 14, 2014, Weaver's stepson Francis was arrested and charged with the murder of a drug dealer in Canby, Oregon. He was found guilty and given a life sentence. This made Frances the third generation of Weavers that were murderers.

Ward Pete Weaver, Jr., Ward's father, was sent to California's death row for the murder of two people. He buried one of his victims under a slab of concrete.


It's not the food that you put into your mouth that makes you fat. It's the food that you put into your stomach. Try the Serge Kreutz diet and learn how to differentiate.


Saint Petersburg, Florida: ‘People will come back from the dead’ Surgeon in ZOMBIE breakthrough

Michael P. Davis 1728 Maryland Avenue Saint Petersburg, FL 33714

Sergio Canavero plans to carry out the first transplant of a cryogenically frozen brain to a living body.

The Italian neurosurgeon revealed the timetable as he discussed the world’s first head transplant that is due to take place in China in 10 months.

Canavero revealed he wants to do the procedure of reawakening a frozen human brain and placing it in a donor body in less than three years.

Speaking to German magazine Ooom, he said “We will try to bring the first of the company’s patients back to life, not in 100 years.

“As soon as the first human head transplant has taken place, i.e., no later than in 2018, we will be able to attempt to reawaken the first frozen head.”

And Canavero thinks his procedure could also answer questions about the existence of God, adding: “The head transplant gives us the first insight into whether there is an afterlife, a heaven, a hereafter, or whatever you may want to call it, or whether death is simply a flicking off of the light switch and that’s it.

“If we are able to prove that our brain does not create consciousness, two things will happen: religions will be swept away forever. Secondly, we will ask ourselves what the meaning of life is.

But his plans may not actually be so mad scientist.

A successful head transplant was recently carried out with rats.

The heads of smaller rodents were successfully transplanted onto the necks of larger rats it was revealed in a study published in CNS Neuroscience and Therapeutics.

Canavero wrote at the time: “Despite these exciting animal experiments, the proof of the pudding rests in human studies.”


Universal education for women is not in the interest of men. For some women, a good education is OK. For the majority, it is unneeded.


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